Vertrag von Maastricht


Unterhaltsame Informationen zur deutschen Sprache oder lieber Informationen zu aktuellen Angeboten? His family had been mediatized along with hundreds of other nobles in the Napoleonic period, and he expected the remaining princes of Germany to set aside their crowns as well. Besonders virulent war diese Kritik in Frankreich, wo das Referendum über den alten Verfassungsvertrag eine knappe Ablehnung ergeben hatte.

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Während der Vertrag von Lissabon die meisten Neuerungen des Verfassungsvertrags umsetzte, wich er in einigen Punkten auch von diesem ab. Dies betraf vor allem Fragen der Vertragsstruktur und der Symbolpolitik.

Während der Verfassungsvertrag alle bisherigen Verträge aufheben und durch einen einheitlichen Text ersetzen sollte, behielt der Vertrag von Lissabon die traditionelle Struktur von mehreren, aufeinander Bezug nehmenden Verträgen bei. So gibt es weiterhin einen EU-Vertrag, der die Grundprinzipien der EU darstellt, und einen spezifischeren Vertrag, der die Funktionsweise ihrer Organe und den Inhalt der supranationalen Politikbereiche näher ausführt.

Änderungen sind in Art. In der Praxis veränderte sich am Gebrauch der Symbole jedoch nichts, da diese auch zuvor schon verwendet worden waren, ohne dass es dafür eine ausdrückliche vertragliche Grundlage gab. In der Erklärung Nr. Ähnlich wie die staatstypischen Symbole wurden auch die staatstypischen Bezeichnungen wieder zurückgenommen, die im Verfassungsvertrag vorgesehen waren.

Stattdessen wurden meist die bereits im vorherigen EU-Vertrag existierenden Bezeichnungen beibehalten. Auch die Grundrechtecharta , deren Text im Verfassungsvertrag wörtlich übernommen wurde, wurde nach dem Vertrag von Lissabon nicht direkt in den EU-Vertrag aufgenommen.

Sie wurde nur durch einen Verweis in Art. Eine weitere inhaltliche Veränderung betraf den Zeitpunkt, zu dem die neuen Regelungen über die qualifizierte Mehrheit im Rat der EU gelten.

Statt ab , wie von der Verfassung vorgesehen, galt das Modell der doppelten Mehrheit erst ab Bis dahin blieb für Mehrheitsentscheidungen im Rat das im Vertrag von Nizza festgelegte Stimmenverhältnis bestehen. Dies war vor allem auf Forderungen von Polen zurückzuführen, für das der Vertrag von Nizza deutlich günstiger war. November bis Ende März galten bereits die Abstimmungsregeln der doppelten Mehrheit. Während dieses Zeitraums konnte jedoch jedes Ratsmitglied beantragen, dass weiterhin die Abstimmungsregeln des Vertrags von Nizza angewendet wurden.

Erst ab galt das neue Abstimmungsverfahren uneingeschränkt. Als erweiterter Minderheitenschutz wurde zudem die Weitergeltung des sogenannten Kompromisses von Ioannina vereinbart. Ursprünglich sah der Vertrag von Lissabon, ebenso wie der Verfassungsvertrag, eine Verkleinerung der Europäischen Kommission vor, in der künftig nicht mehr jedes Land einen eigenen Kommissar stellen sollte.

Daher beschloss der Europäische Rat im Dezember , die Verkleinerung der Kommission nicht in Kraft treten zu lassen. Juni in Brüssel beschlossen.

Der Europäische Rat legte sie im Mandat an die Regierungskonferenz nieder, die daraufhin den definitiven Vertragstext ausarbeitete. Im Rahmen der Regierungskonferenz, die am Juli ihre Arbeit aufnahm, wurde ein Entwurf ausgearbeitet, der Seiten Vertragstext sowie Seiten mit 12 Protokollen und 51 Erklärungen umfasste. Dezember wurde der Vertrag in Lissabon unterzeichnet. Februar sprach sich das Europäische Parlament für den Vertrag aus.

Entscheidend für den Ratifikationsprozess waren lediglich die von den Verfassungen der Mitgliedstaaten jeweils vorgesehenen nationalen Organe. Januar in Kraft getreten sein, sofern bis zu diesem Zeitpunkt alle Ratifikationsurkunden bei der Regierung der Italienischen Republik hinterlegt worden wären. Als Alternative sah er ein Inkrafttreten am ersten Tag des auf die Hinterlegung der letzten Ratifikationsurkunde folgenden Monats vor.

Die Struktur des Vertrags von Lissabon, die bestehenden Verträge zu belassen und in diese die weitgehend unveränderte Substanz des EU-Verfassungsvertrags einzubauen, sollte der Forderung nach nationalen Referenden die Grundlage entziehen und dadurch die Ratifikation erleichtern. Schon kurz nach dem EU-Gipfel wurde jedoch in etlichen Mitgliedstaaten die Abhaltung eines Referendums gefordert, teilweise sogar von Regierungsparteien.

Es war deshalb schon zu diesem Zeitpunkt fraglich, ob der Vertrag entsprechend dem vorgesehenen Zeitplan vor der Europawahl im Juni würde in Kraft treten können. Dieses fand am Juni statt und führte zu einer Ablehnung des Reformvertrags. In den anderen Mitgliedstaaten stimmten jeweils die Parlamente über den Vertrag ab, wobei es aufgrund von Verfassungsklagen oder politischen Hindernissen teilweise ebenfalls zu Verzögerungen kam. Als erstes Parlament stimmte das ungarische am Dezember über den Vertrag von Lissabon ab und akzeptierte ihn mit Ja-Stimmen bei 5 Gegenstimmen und 14 Enthaltungen.

Mit der Hinterlegung der Ratifikationsurkunde am In Frankreich , wo der Verfassungsvertrag durch ein Referendum gescheitert war, wurde der Vertrag von Lissabon am Januar hatten zunächst Senatsmitglieder bei 48 Gegenstimmen und 62 Enthaltungen für eine Änderung der französischen Verfassung gestimmt, welche die Ratifizierung des Vertrags von Lissabon im Parlament ohne die Durchführung eines Referendums ermöglichte.

Februar lehnte die Nationalversammlung dann mit zu Stimmen einen Antrag der Parti socialiste ab, erneut eine Volksabstimmung über den Vertrag abhalten zu lassen. Februar wurde die von Staatspräsident Sarkozy unterschriebene Ratifikationsurkunde in Italien hinterlegt. In den Niederlanden stimmte die Zweite Kammer am 5. Juni und die Erste Kammer des Parlaments am 8. Juli dem Vertrag zu. Als sechstes Parlament akzeptierte das bulgarische am März den Vertrag von Lissabon mit Ja- gegen 15 Nein-Stimmen, die insbesondere aus der oppositionellen nationalistischen Partei Ataka kamen, und 30 Enthaltungen.

April verabschiedete der Senat den Vertrag mit 74 zu 17 Stimmen bei sechs Enthaltungen. April zunächst zwar das Begleitgesetz zu dem Vertrag unterzeichnete, jedoch noch nicht die Ratifizierungsurkunde selbst. Oktober wurde sie bei der italienischen Regierung hinterlegt und damit das Ratifikationsverfahren abgeschlossen.

Wie in Polen stimmte auch das slowakische Parlament am April nach anhaltenden Debatten um ein nationales Mediengesetz, welches aufgrund des Widerstands der Opposition einer Ratifizierung lange entgegenstand, mit zu 5 Stimmen bei 41 abwesenden Abgeordneten für den Vertrag. April stimmte Dänemark dem Vertrag mit 90 zu 25 Stimmen ohne Enthaltungen zu. Hintergrund der Ablehnung war unter anderem die österreichische Neutralität , die einige Kritiker durch den Vertrag von Lissabon gefährdet sahen.

Ein anderer Kritikpunkt — vor allem der Linken — war, dass laut Vertrag die Euratom weiterhin integraler Bestandteil der EU bleiben sollte, die EU also keinen europaweiten Ausstieg aus der Kernenergie vorsehe. Trotzdem stimmte der Nationalrat am 9. Vier Tage später unterzeichnete auch Bundespräsident Heinz Fischer. Im Vereinigten Königreich wurde am 5. März nach anhaltenden Debatten ein von der konservativen Opposition beantragtes Referendum über den EU-Reformvertrag von den Abgeordneten des House of Commons mit zu Stimmen abgelehnt.

März verabschiedete das House of Commons daraufhin den Vertrag mit zu Stimmen. In Belgien verabschiedete der Senat am 6. März den Vertrag mit 48 zu 8 Stimmen bei einer Enthaltung. April stimmte die Abgeordnetenföderationskammer mit zu 18 Stimmen bei sieben Enthaltungen für den Vertrag.

Oktober in Rom hinterlegt. In Schweden wurde der Vertrag am November vom Reichstag mit zu 39 Stimmen bei 13 Enthaltungen angenommen, [37] zwanzig Tage später wurde die schwedische Ratifikationsurkunde in Italien hinterlegt. In Deutschland beschloss am Dezember , [38] welche sein Ausschuss für Fragen der Europäischen Union [39] empfohlen hatte.

Auch die Bundestagsfraktion der Linken , die Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei ödp unter ihrem Vorsitzenden Klaus Buchner [45] sowie weitere Einzelabgeordnete reichten Verfassungsbeschwerden ein. Das Bundespräsidialamt teilte am Juni mit, dass Horst Köhler auf die informelle Bitte des Bundesverfassungsgerichts hin die Ratifizierungsurkunde vor einer Urteilsverkündung nicht unterschreiben werde.

Oktober das Umsetzungsgesetz zum Vertrag zu unterschreiben und auszufertigen. Die mündliche Verhandlung der Klage fand am Juni verkündete das Bundesverfassungsgericht seine Entscheidung. Die insgesamt vier Gesetze wurden am 8. September vom Bundesrat einstimmig angenommen, [53] so dass sie am 1.

Oktober — einen Tag vor dem irischen Referendum — in Kraft treten konnten. Die vom Bundesverfassungsgericht geforderte Mitwirkung von Bundestag und Bundesrat soll im Wesentlichen durch das Integrationsverantwortungsgesetz [56] sichergestellt werden. September unterzeichnete der Bundespräsident alle notwendigen Gesetze.

Zwei Tage darauf, nach der Verkündung der Gesetze im Bundesgesetzblatt, fertigte Köhler die Ratifikationsurkunde aus und noch am gleichen Tag wurde sie in Rom hinterlegt.

Irland war ein Mitgliedstaat, in dem neben der parlamentarischen Ratifizierung aus verfassungsrechtlichen Gründen auch eine Volksabstimmung über den Vertrag von Lissabon zwingend notwendig war.

Diese fand am Kritiker warfen der Regierung vor, sie habe sich im Gegensatz zu den Reformgegnern zu spät und zu unentschlossen für ein Ja engagiert. Dudenverlag Duden Located at Mecklenburgische Str. Duden - Die deutsche Rechtschreibung. Rechtschreibprüfung Online Wir korrigieren Ihre Texte:.

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This was to be done by raising the proportion of recruits to 2 percent of the population, and also by the abolition of all laws of exemption in the individual States. Not only did the Prussian government complain about interference in its conduct of the Danish war, but the various Chambers of the States published complaints against the Parliament for violating their sovereignty and threatening their already shaky state budgets.

Many common people also denounced the idea of an expanded army and conscription. On 16 July, the Minister of War sent a circular to the state Governments with a proclamation to the German troops, in which he decreed the Regent as the highest military authority in Germany.

At the same time, he ordered the state governments to call out the troops of every garrison for a parade on 6 August, the 42nd anniversary of the end of the Holy Roman Empire. Their commanding officers were to read Peucker's proclamation before them, after which the troops were to shout "Hurrah! Then, the soldiers were to assume the German cockade as a symbol of their allegiance to the new order of things.

In Berlin, King Frederick William issued a decree to the army that on 6 August there was to be no parade anywhere in Prussia. Latour demanded a sharp response from the government of Austria, which at that moment was headed by Archduke John in Vienna. Ironically, the Archduke had to dispatch a complaint about the matter in the name of the Austrian government to himself as head of the Provisional Central Power.

Thus, the attempt of the Provisional Central Power to assert its authority over all the armed forces within Germany failed. The Regent still held authority over the German Confederate Army, but this force represented less than half of the standing armies of the states, and these were led by officers whose loyalty remained first and foremost to their sovereign princes. On 20 July the Regent, along with Heinrich Gagern and a large deputation from the Parliament, accepted an invitation by King Frederick William to take part in a festival celebrating new construction to the great Cathedral of Cologne.

The radical left condemned the festival, correctly assuming it would strengthen feelings of loyalty in the people toward their princes. On 15 August, the deputation arrived in Cologne by riverboat.

Standing on the quay, the King embraced the Regent to the cheer of the crowds, and then allowed Gagern to present the members of the deputation. He addressed to them a few friendly words on the importance of their work and added with emphasis: Later, a torchlight parade carried the King and the Regent to the cathedral square, where the crowds showered them with adulation.

Gagern, however, missed the parade entirely as it dispersed due to rains before it reached the end of the route where he awaited it. The National Assembly deputies marched in the parade only as one of many groups, flanked by fire-fighters and police.

Finally, at the grand banquet afterward, a toast by prominent leftist deputy Franz Raveaux was missed by the royal retinue and other dignitaries, as all of them departed early.

Taken together, these were glaring indications of the revolutionaries' lessening influence, whereas cheering crowds surrounding the King and Regent amplified the growing confidence of the princes. An Uprising in Vienna at the beginning of October forced the Austrian court to flee the city.

The National Assembly, instigated by left-wing deputies, attempted to mediate between the Austrian government and the revolutionaries. In the meantime, the Austrian army violently suppressed the rising. In the course of events, the deputy Robert Blum , one of the figureheads of the democratic left, was arrested. General Alfred von Windisch-Grätz ignored Blum's parliamentary immunity , tried him before a military tribunal, and had him executed by firing squad on 9 November This highlighted the powerlessness of the National Assembly and its dependence on the goodwill of the state governments of the German Confederation.

The fact that fate of the revolution was decided in Vienna and Berlin, that the key issues of life were dealt with in both those capitals without taking the slightest notice of the Frankfurt assembly—that fact alone is sufficient to prove that the institution was a mere debating club, consisting of an accumulation of gullible wretches who allowed themselves to be abused as puppets by the governments, so as to provide a show to amuse the shopkeepers and tradesmen of small states and towns, as long as it was considered necessary to distract their attention.

The execution also indicated that the force of the March Revolution was beginning to flag by the autumn of This did not apply only to Austria. The power of the governments appointed in March was eroding. In Prussia, the Prussian National Assembly was disbanded and its draft constitution rejected. With history, politics, and ethnicity in conflict, defining the meaning of "Germany" was proving a major obstacle for the National Assembly.

The biggest problem was that the two most powerful states, Prussia and especially Austria, had large possessions with non-German populations outside the boundaries of the Confederation.

Incorporating such areas into a German nation-state not only raised questions regarding the national identity of the inhabitants, but also challenged the relationship between the two states within Germany.

At the same time, Denmark and the Netherlands administered sovereign territories within the Confederation, further entangling the question of Germany in the affairs of foreign powers.

This problem was partially solved on 11 April , when the Confederate Diet admitted Prussia's outer territories the Province of Prussia and as-yet undefined "German areas" of the Grand Duchy of Posen into the Confederation.

Deputy Venedey addressed the "German Question" during a debate on 5 July in this way: In France there are also many nationalities, but all know that they are French. There are also different nationalities in England, and yet all know that they are Englishmen. We want to start by saying that everyone is German. We should therefore also stand by the expression every German , and vote very soon, because if these words lead to weeks of negotiations, we never come to an end.

I can assure you that this expression will be properly interpreted by the Czechs and Slavic leaders. Though the Duchy of Schleswig's situation was troublesome, its position within the new Germany was undisputed.

The Confederate Diet welcomed the embattled Duchy as its newest appendage on 12 April Bohemia and Moravia were already part of the Confederation, and without question were to remain within the new Germany, despite protests by the Czech population.

Districts in the Czech majority areas boycotted elections to the National Assembly, and only a few Czech deputies took their seats in the Paulskirche. The National Assembly applauded the destruction of Slav secession, but some deputies saw in Windisch-Grätz's violence a warning of what might befall them in the future.

Similar to Bohemia, the National Assembly was determined to incorporate much of the Prussian Grand Duchy of Posen against the wishes of the majority Polish population, especially after the failed Greater Poland uprising which lasted from 20 March until 9 May. Three separate debates and votes the first on 26 April in the Vorparlement , the next on 27 July, the last on 6 February demarcated the borderline Demarkationslinie Posen between the German areas to have representation in the National Assembly and the Polish areas to be excluded.

After the Belgian revolution was finally settled in , Luxemburg ceded 60 percent of its territory to Belgium. As compensation, the Dutch province of Limburg became a member of the Confederation, although only that portion whose population equaled what was lost to Belgium. Thus, the cities of Maastricht and Venlo were excluded. Membership meant very little, as the administration of Limburg remained entirely Dutch and the population was Dutch in national sentiment.

Nevertheless, the National Assembly held several debates over the fate of Limburg, which not only irritated King William but also the British and the French.

The Limburg question was never solved during the life of the National Assembly. Despite their ethnic differences, the Italian-majority areas of the Austrian Littoral fully participated in the National Assembly. However, due to historical considerations, former Venetian possessions such as Monfalcone and half of Istria remained outside of the Confederation, and the question of their full integration into the new Germany was discussed.

Most of the left-wing deputies had nationalist sentiments for the Italian revolutionaries in Milan and Venice and argued for a unified Italian state in the fashion of the new Germany being planned. However, there were few who approved of separating the littoral from the German Confederation, if only for strategic reasons.

In the Italian areas of Tyrol known as Trentino , the voting districts of Trient and Roveredo sent deputies to Frankfurt. In fact, the Roveredo municipal government petitioned the National Assembly to allow the Trentino to secede from the German Confederation.

The two Austrian Duchies of Auschwitz and Zator joined the German Confederation in by virtue of their affiliation with Bohemian Silesia, [38] but the question of whether they should be part of the new Germany was only discussed briefly in the National Assembly.

The population was entirely Polish and the territories an integral part of the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria , itself outside of the Confederate boundaries. Deputy Carl Giskra of Mährisch-Trubau rhetorically asked how much longer the "German lands of Zator and Auschowitz" should remain part of Galicia, [39] but another deputy derisively referred to the territories as "fantasy duchies" and denounced the question even being raised.

Regardless of these questions, the shape of the future German nation-state had only two real possibilities. The "Smaller German Solution" Kleindeutsche Lösung aimed for a Germany under the leadership of Prussia and excluded Imperial Austria so as to avoid becoming embroiled in the problems of that multi-cultural state. Some of those deputies expected the integration of all the Habsburg monarchy 's territories, while other Greater German supporters called for a variant only including areas settled by Germans within a German state.

The majority of the radical left voted for the Greater German variant, accepting the possibility formulated by Carl Vogt of a "holy war for western culture against the barbarism of the East" , [40] i. The court camarilla surrounding the incapacitated Austrian emperor Ferdinand was not, however, willing to break up the state.

Thus, it became clear that, at most, the National Assembly could achieve national unity within the smaller German solution, with Prussia as the sole major power. Although Schwarzenberg demanded the incorporation of the whole of Austria into the new state once more in March , the dice had fallen in favor of a Smaller German Empire by December , when the irreconcilable differences between the position of Austria and that of the National Assembly had forced the Austrian, Schmerling, to resign from his role as Ministerpräsident of the provisional government.

He was succeeded by Heinrich von Gagern. Nonetheless, the Paulskirche Constitution was designed to allow a later accession of Austria, by referring to the territories of the German Confederation and formulating special arrangements for states with German and non-German areas. The National Assembly appointed a three-person constitutional committee on 24 May , chaired by Bassermann and charged with preparing and coordinating the drafting of a Reichsverfassung " Imperial Constitution ".

It could make use of the preparatory work done by the Committee of Seventeen appointed earlier by the Confederate Diet. Remarkably, the National Assembly did not begin its mandated work of drafting the Constitution until 19 October Up to that time, exactly five month since the opening of the National Assembly, the deputies had failed to move forward with its most important task, but were driven to urgency by the violent outbreak of the Vienna Uprising and the execution of deputy Robert Blum by the Austrian Army afterward.

On 28 December, the Assembly's press organ, the Reichsgesetzblatt published the Reichsgesetz betreffend die Grundrechte des deutschen Volkes "Imperial law regarding the basic rights of the German people" of 27 December , declaring the basic rights as immediately applicable.

The catalogue of basic rights included Freedom of Movement , Equal Treatment for all Germans in all of Germany, the abolishment of class-based privileges and medieval burdens, Freedom of Religion , Freedom of Conscience , the abolishment of capital punishment , Freedom of Research and Education , Freedom of Assembly , basic rights in regard to police activity and judicial proceedings, the inviolability of the home, Freedom of the Press , independence of judges, Freedom of Trade and Freedom of establishment.

On 23 January , a resolution that one of the reigning German princes should be elected as Emperor of Germany was adopted with votes against The first reading of the Constitution was completed on 3 February A list of amendments were proposed by 29 governments in common and on 15 February Gottfried Ludolf Camphausen , Prussia's representative to the National Assembly, handed the draft to Prime Minister Gagern, who forwarded it to the Committee of the Parliament that was preparing the Constitution for its second reading.

Only two of Camphausen's amendments were discussed and no modifications made. Furthermore, passage of the Austrian Constitution on 4 March was used as an excuse by Prince Schwarzenberg to declare the first draft of the federal Constitution incompatible with Austrian law, and would therefore have to be scrapped and replaced by a more accommodating document.

The proclamation shocked the National Assembly, resulting in floral speeches condemning "Austrian sabotage". But when on 21 March deputy Carl Welcker of Frankfurt brought up a motion to pass the Constitution "as is" to force the issue, it was rejected by votes against There was suddenly a desperation in the National Assembly to complete their work. The second reading commenced on 23 March after agreements had been reached with the Center and the Left over procedure: It was to be read without interruption to the very end; every paragraph was to be voted upon as reported by the Committee on the Constitution; amendments were to be considered only at the request of at least 50 deputies.

The reading proceeded with unusual pace, as the deputies feared they would become illegitimate in public opinion unless they overcame mounting obstacles and produced the Constitution. The Center conceded an amendment on the last day, in the form of an extension of the suspensive veto, to cover changes in the Constitution.

They warned it could be used to overthrow the Imperial system, to which the Left applauded. Austria's proposed amendment to turn the Imperial dignity into a Directory was soundly defeated, thus protecting the office of Emperor.

The Left derided the Center by shouting, "A German Emperor chosen by a majority of four votes from four faithless Austrians!

The National Assembly passed the complete Imperial Constitution in the late afternoon of 27 March It was carried narrowly, by against votes. The version passed included the creation of a hereditary emperor Erbkaisertum , which had been favoured mainly by the erbkaiserliche group around Gagern, with the reluctant support of the Westendhall group around Heinrich Simon.

The people were to be represented by a directly elected House of Commons Volkshaus and a House of the States Staatenhaus of representatives sent by the individual states.

Half of each Staatenhaus delegation was to be appointed by the respective state government, the other by the state parliament. As the near-inevitable result of having chosen the Smaller German Solution and the constitutional monarchy as form of government, the Prussian king was elected as hereditary head of state on 28 March The vote was carried by votes against abstentions, embodying resistance primarily by all left-wing, southern German and Austrian deputies.

The deputies knew that Frederick William IV held strong prejudices against the work of the Frankfurt Parliament, but on 23 January, the Prussian government had informed the states of the German Confederation that Prussia would accept the idea of a hereditary emperor.

Further, Prussia unlike Bavaria, Württemberg, Saxony, and Hannover had indicated its support of the draft constitution in a statement made after the first reading. Additionally, the representatives of the provisional government had attempted through innumerable meetings and talks to build an alliance with the Prussian government, especially by creating a common front against the radical left and by arguing that the monarchy could only survive if it accepted a constitutional-parliamentary system.

The November discussion of Bassermann and Hergenhahn with the king also aimed in the same direction. Shortly after the vote of 27 March , Archduke John announced his resignation as Regent, explaining that the vote ended all reason for his office.

President of the Assembly Eduard von Simson rushed to the Thurn and Taxis palace and pleaded for him to remain as Regent until the coronation should occur. He gave an evasive answer, arguing that he could not accept the crown without the agreement of the princes and Free Cities.

In reality, Frederick William believed in the principle of the Divine Right of Kings and thus did not want to accept a crown touched by "the hussy smell of revolution". To ensure Austria's role in German affairs did not diminish, Schwarzenberg convinced Archduke John to remain in office as Regent.

By 14 April , 28 mostly petty states had accepted the constitution, and Württemberg was the only kingdom to do so after much hesitation. This spelled the final failure of the National Assembly's constitution and thus of the German revolution.

The rejection of the crown was understood by the other princes as a signal that the political scales had fully tipped against the liberals. Opinion even in autumn had it that the National Assembly had taken far too long to draft the Constitution.

Had they accomplished their task in the summer and offered the crown in autumn, the revolution might have taken a different turn.

On 5 April , all Austrian deputies left Frankfurt. The new elections called for by Prime Minister Heinrich Gagern did not take place, further weakening the assembly. In desperation, Gagern demanded that the Regent personally intervene with the Princes to save the Constitution.

Reminding Gagern of his own terms forbidding the Provisional Central Power from interfering in the work of the Constitution, the Regent refused, and Gagern resigned in consequence on 10 May On 14 May, the Prussian parliamentarians also resigned their mandates.

In the following week, nearly all conservative and bourgeois-liberal deputies left the parliament. The remaining left-wing forces insisted that 28 states had accepted the Frankfurt Constitution and began the Constitutional Campaign Reichsverfassungskampagne , an all-out call for resistance against the Princes who refused to accept the Constitution.

The supporters of the campaign did not consider themselves revolutionaries. From their perspective, they represented a legitimate national executive power acting against states that had breached the Constitution. Nonetheless, only the radical democratic left was willing to use force to support the Constitution, notwithstanding their original reservations against it.

In view of their failure, the bourgeoisie and the leading liberal politicians of the faction of the Halbe "half ones" rejected a renewed revolution and withdrew—most of them disappointed—from their hard work in the Frankfurt Parliament. In the meantime, the Reichsverfassungskampagne had not achieved any success regarding acceptance of the Constitution, but had managed to mobilize those elements of the population that were willing to commit violent revolution.

In Saxony, this led to the May Uprising in Dresden , in the Bavarian part of the Rhenish Palatinate to the Pfälzer Aufstand , a rising during which revolutionaries gained the de facto governmental power. The insurrectionists declared a Baden Republic and formed a revolutionary government headed by the Paulskirche deputy Lorenz Brentano. Together with Baden soldiers that had joined their side, they formed an army under the leadership of the Polish general Mieroslawski.

Maximilian Grävell as his new Prime Minister on 16 May This so incensed the National Assembly that they held a vote of no confidence in the government on 17 May, resulting in a vote of against 12 with 44 abstentions. Receiving moral support from Austria, the Regent stood defiant and retained his Prime Minister.

Calls for the resignation of the Regent immediately followed. The next day, 18 May, Prime Minister Grävell ascended the speaker's podium in the Paulskirche and explained the Regent's motives for appointing him as Prime Minister, and the Regent's refusal to obey the National Assembly's decisions.

Grävell stated, "You remember, gentlemen, that [the Regent] had declared to the deputation of the National Assembly which had been sent to him that he accepted the request made to him as a result of [all the German] governments' approval.

You will recall that the Regent was introduced into his office in this place, but then the Confederate Diet The Regent, as a thoroughly conscientious man, will certainly never be able to lay down his office into any other hands than into those who have empowered him. The uproar in the parliament was intense, yet Grävell persisted: The Regent can and will only return his office to the National Assembly from which it originated.

But he will do so and cannot do otherwise, except as a staunch steward of the power entrusted to him by the governments, and only to return this power back into the hands of the governments. Great unrest answered Grävell's words, as the National Assembly was directly confronted with the statement that the Regent's power originated from the states, not the revolution.

With insults and jeers raining down from the gallery, the Prime Minister further stated, "Gentlemen! Consider the consequences of the withdrawal of the Regent and the divorce of Germany from this war [with Denmark]. Remember that the honor of Germany is at stake! Deputy William Zimmermann of Stuttgart shouted from the gallery, "This is unheard of in the history of the world! After reading the rules of the Provisional Central Power, adopted 28 June and 4 September , especially articles that address the removal of ministers and the Regent, President Theodore Reh of the National Assembly read the report from the Committee of Thirty that drafted a provisional regency Reichsregentschaft to defend the Constitution.

The vote passed with a majority to votes for the plan with a provisional governor Reichstatthalter to replace the Regent. However, external events overtook the National Assembly before they could attempt to carry out their plan. As German Confederate troops under orders from the Regent began to crush revolutionary outbreak in the Palatinate, the remaining deputies in the Free City of Frankfurt began to feel threatened.

Further deputies that were not willing to align with radical democratic left resigned their mandates or gave them up when asked to by their home governments. On 26 May, the Frankfurt National Assembly had to lower its quorum to a mere hundred due to the enduring low presence of deputies. The remaining deputies decided to escape an approaching army of occupation by moving the parliament to Stuttgart in Württemberg on 31 May.

This had been suggested by the deputy Friedrich Römer , who was also prime minister and minister of justice of the Württemberg government.





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